Negotiating Ideas

On pluralism, liberty and democracy

Why a Government in Exile is not Feasible for Afghanistan

Since the Taliban’s resurgence and subsequent takeover of Afghanistan in August 2021, the country has faced a significant decline in both its political and humanitarian landscapes. The U.S. withdrawal and the collapse of the Afghanistan government led to widespread human rights abuses and raised the specter of increased regional instability.

Three years after the abrupt departure of former President Ashraf Ghani—a move that symbolized a substantial capitulation and intensified the chaos that followed the Taliban’s takeover—Afghanistan’s elite have yet to devise a cohesive strategy to offer a viable alternative to Taliban rule. Although their plans often lack clarity and consistency, there appears to be a shift toward a more coordinated effort to confront the ongoing challenges facing the country. While the de facto Taliban regime lacks the necessary legitimacy to represent the interests of all Afghanistan people, various exiled political movements have begun exploring alternative avenues to establish a political roadmap.

A government in exile

The notion of establishing a government in exile is gaining traction among Afghanistan politicians and may provide a potential solution to the ongoing political turmoil following the Taliban’s takeover. Abdul Rashid Dostum, former vice president, recently highlighted the importance of such a government, stating, “While forming such a government does not require extensive financial resources, it is crucial for effectively challenging the Taliban’s authority.” Similarly, Mohammad Yunus Qanooni, former vice president and speaker of the house, indicated that this signifies a shift from tactical engagement to strategic opposition. Ahmad Massoud, head of the National Resistance Front, emphasized the need for unity, asserting, “We are moving toward this goal, but we still have distance to cover.” Despite these developments, significant challenges remain, casting doubt on the viability of this approach in the near future.

The infeasibility of government in exile

An exiled government faces substantial hurdles in establishing legitimacy among both the Afghanistan populace and the international community. For example, Mujahideen’s interim government in exile in Pakistan in 1988, struggled to gain support from citizens back home, resulting in skepticism regarding its ability to effectively represent Afghanistan interests. In contrast, the Taliban’s current governance, while contentious, has consolidated power and demonstrated a clear need for territorial control, rather than relying on an exiled government that lacks direct engagement with the populace.


The potential for an exiled government to influence events in these provinces remains viable only if at least one of the northern provinces is liberated by the resistance forces.


Historical examples of governments-in-exile highlight their challenges and often ineffectiveness. The Afghanistan Mujahideen government in exile, for instance, was characterized by fragmented coalitions driven by competing agendas, which severely limited its ability to act cohesively or present a united front against ruling powers. Research from RAND indicates that such disunity typically leads to a lack of coordinated strategies, undermining their influence and effectiveness in addressing urgent humanitarian and political crises within Afghanistan. This fragmentation complicates governance efforts and diminishes the trust and support of the Afghanistan populace, further exacerbating the challenges any interim government faces in establishing legitimacy and authority.

The ongoing humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan compounds these challenges. The World Bank has reported that over half of the population faces food insecurity, exacerbated by the economic downturn following the Taliban’s return to power. In this context, an exiled government would likely lack the resources and capacity to provide immediate relief or governance solutions that the Afghanistan people desperately need. Consequently, this model fails to address fundamental issues confronting Afghanistan, including human rights violations and the urgent need for inclusive governance.

While the Taliban has developed a formidable administrative framework in many regions, it does not exert complete control over certain provinces, particularly in the north. In these areas, local governance structures remain less solidified, allowing for the presence of various factions and resistance groups that challenge the Taliban’s authority. This fragmentation complicates the Taliban’s ability to maintain effective governance through coercive measures and local engagement.

As a result, the potential for an exiled government to influence events in these provinces remains viable only if at least one of the northern provinces is liberated by the resistance forces. The lack of effective control creates opportunities for exiled political movements to engage with local populations and possibly gain support. This dynamic illustrates that the situation in Afghanistan is more complex than a straightforward consolidation of Taliban power, thereby opening avenues for political dialogue and action.

The Vienna process: a pragmatic alternative

In light of these challenges, exploring frameworks like the ongoing Vienna process presents a more pragmatic approach. This initiative aims to foster collaboration among various Afghanistan factions, including former government officials and civil society representatives, emphasizing inclusivity and dialogue as essential components of any successful political solution.

The evolving dialogue within the Vienna Process reflects a recognition among Afghanistan leaders of the need to unify opposition efforts and establish a viable governance framework. As they navigate the complexities of the current political landscape, an emphasis on collaboration may signal a crucial step toward regaining agency in the face of Taliban rule.

By focusing on negotiation and comprehensive representation, the Vienna Process could provide the necessary tools to foster collaboration and build a more sustainable governance model. Engaging with international stakeholders while centering Afghanistan’s voices will be critical in creating a framework capable of addressing the complex challenges the country faces.

This process should aim to create a unified front among Afghanistan opposition groups, drawing on lessons learned from previous political engagements and emphasizing inclusivity to establish a stable and representative governance framework.

Historically, past efforts to achieve peace in Afghanistan have faltered due to a lack of genuine dialogue and the exclusion of significant opposition voices. The Vienna Process, in contrast, offers a potentially transformative framework to foster collaboration among various Afghanistan stakeholders. With its emphasis on negotiation with the Taliban and comprehensive representation, this process could pave the way for a more sustainable resolution to the ongoing crisis, ultimately benefiting the Afghanistan populace and stabilizing the region.

As discussions surrounding Afghanistan’s future unfold, it is crucial to examine how the Vienna Process can leverage international support while emphasizing the interests and aspirations of the Afghanistan people. This initiative may signal a pivotal phase toward establishing a viable interim government, one that emerges from meaningful negotiations with the Taliban. By fostering collaboration among various Afghanistan factions and engaging key international stakeholders, the Vienna Process holds the potential to facilitate a more inclusive and sustainable governance framework.

Disclaimer: The views are of the author and do not represent the views of Negotiating Ideas.

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Abdul Basir Azimi

A. Basir Azimi served as an advisor to the Chairman of Afghanistan's High Council for National Reconciliation and the Afghanistan Peace Negotiations team in Qatar. He also held roles as Senior Advisor to the Chief Executive of Afghanistan, Program Coordinator of Executive Committees of Afghanistan’s Ministers Council, and Deputy Minister for Energy and Water. Additionally, Azimi was an instructor at the American University of Afghanistan.

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